Israeli Apartheid-Denier Can Deny No Longer

In an interview with the Associated Press published on June 24, Benjamin Pogrund stated that Israeli annexation would turn Israel into an apartheid state. “There will be Israeli overlords in an occupied area. And the people over whom they will be ruling will not have basic rights,” Pogrund described the potential future of Israel.

Prolific denier

Benjamin Pogrund was born and raised in South Africa and witnessed its Apartheid-era atrocities firsthand. He became a renowned writer on the topic and fostered friendships with Nelson Mandela and Robert Sobukwe as he wrote on Black issues in the white-ruled South African state.

But while Pogrund strongly opposed Apartheid in South Africa until its fall in the 1990s, in 1997 he moved to Israel and became a prominent denier of the similarities between the two countries’ treatment of their native populations. Not counting those people living in the occupied territories as citizens, Pogrund denied their treatment as apartheid-like.

Like many Israel apologetics, he made the convenient distinction of not counting Israel’s atrocities and racism outside its walls and fences. He authored a 2007 New York Times op-ed highlighting several successful Arab Israeli citizens as evidence for an absence of racial discrimination, while ignoring the people in occupied territories under de-facto Israeli rule.

Cognitive dissonance

Pogrund would, in the same article, deny that Jews and Arabs receive different treatment while also arguing Palestinian refugees could not return because they would become a majority, destroying Israel’s “purpose” of being a Jewish state. Those who called for a boycott on Israel Pogrund would label as antisemitic, while interpreting Israeli acts as a “response to Palestinian terrorism.”

For decades Pogrund has ignored the obvious similarities between both apartheid regimes. He appears to have conveniently ignored that while South Africa was in its last stages of shaking off colonization, Israel is still actively colonizing native land.

He downplayed the wall seperating Israelis from the West Bank as “mainly a wire fence, except in populated areas” that was there “primarily to keep out would-be suicide bombers.” By Pogrund’s definition, if South African whites had chased away the country’s Black population and kept them in occupied areas as does Israel, there would not have been “apartheid.”

After decades of witnessing and opposing South African Apartheid, he has spent the rest of his career making pro-Israeli arguments, similar to those of the South African regime that justified violence against Black citizens, as a logical government response to “violent terrorists.”

Changing definitions

Pogrund opposes annexation because it would undermine the cognitive dissonance that he and many others have applied to the Palestinian people living in the occupied territories. Annexing their land would result in them being considered to be some sort of Israeli citizen, and suddenly their treatment would indeed “count” as apartheid.

“At least it has been a military occupation. Now we are going to put other people under our control and not give them citizenship. That is apartheid. That is an exact mirror of what apartheid was,” Pogrund said.

Pogrund started to have doubts when, in 2018, the Israeli parliament enacted the “Nation State Law.” This defined Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people while downgrading the status of another ethnic group, Arab Israelis. Yet, he frames his opposition not as revulsion with the treatment of local Arabs, but instead fears that it would reduce safety and prosperity for local Jewish Israelis.

Annexation

The increasingly colonial attitude of the Netanyahu government appears to have posed something of an intellectual crisis for Pogrund as he has slowly learned of his own complicity in defending Israeli actions. News about the government’s annexation plans made him unable to write on the topic: “I couldn’t bring myself to do it,” Pogrund said, adding that “quite frankly, I just feel so bleak about it, that it is so stupid and ill-advised and arrogant.”

Pogrund has long been a critic of Israeli treatment of the Palestinians, describing the occupation of the West Bank as “tyrannical,” but has avoided using the word apartheid. He considers the term “a deadly word” that requires “intentionality” and “institutionalization.” That intentionality and institutionalization already exist in the occupied territories, and by annexing these areas, even deniers like Pogrund will no longer be able to refute the obvious.

“Come July 1, if we annex the Jordan Valley and the settlement areas, we are apartheid. Full stop. There’s no question about it,” Pogrund said.

UAE Diplomat: Israel Annexation Could Reverse Gains for Middle East Peace

As ultranationalists within the Israeli government continue to push for annexation within the West Bank, the Middle East is confronted with the potential erasure of decades of peacebuilding. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s United States maintains its support for Israel’s expansionist agenda, breaking with previous administrations’ commitment to a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Since the Israeli government under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu first entertained the idea of expansion into the West Bank, there has been a widespread outpouring of sympathy towards the Palestinian struggle. 

One individual in particular has made international headlines in their effort to discourage Israel’s plans. On June 12, Yousef Al Otaiba—the United Arab Emirates’ ambassador to the United States—wrote an op-ed in the Hebrew newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth calling on Israelis to oppose Netanyahu’s plans for annexation.

Trump And Netanyahu
US President Donald Trump with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu unveiling the details of Trump’s Middle East Peace Plan. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

The op-ed, written in Hebrew in an attempt to speak directly to the Israeli people, appealing to the desire to end the conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Otaiba, as a representative of the UAE, argued that annexation could shatter any opportunity for a peaceful solution to the conflict, and that it would throw regional stability into disarray.

Otaiba was not alone. Activists and politicians from around the world have condemned Netanyahu’s plans, placing increasing pressure on the prime minister to concede.

Whether or not Netanyahu will bow to this international pressure remains to be seen; however, with such high stakes, it is apparent that Israel’s response will greatly shape the future of the Middle East. 

With or without annexation, the questions remain as to what Netanyahu envisions for Israel and whether Israel is willing to sacrifice decades of dialogue for more land in the West Bank.

The future for the West Bank

Though the government of Netanyahu tends to use the euphemism “extending Israeli sovereignty,” the Israeli government’s agenda for the settlements of Judea, Samaria, and others in the West Bank is nothing short of annexation.

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PRIME MINISTER Benjamin Netanyahu points to a map of the Jordan Valley
(photo credit: YOSSI ZELIGER)

The Israeli annexation proposal targets dozens of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, as well as almost all of the Jordan Valley. Collectively, this would lead to the annexation of more than one-third of the West Bank. Moreover, the acquisition of the Jordan Valley would cut off Palestine from its border with Jordan, separating the two countries with a buffer zone of more than 1,000 kilometers.

However, annexation is no insignificant matter; rather, annexation is incredibly rare and is always met with backlash and widespread opposition.

As far in the past as 1917—amidst the bloodshed of the First World War—Lassa Oppenheim, a renowned scholar of international law, remarked that: “There is not an atom of sovereignty in the authority of the occupying power.”

International law continues to enshrine these sentiments over a century after they were first uttered. To this day, the United Nations strictly forbids annexation.

When Iraq under Saddam Hussein attempted to annex Kuwait in 1990, it was met with months of widespread international condemnation, coalescing in the US-led invasion of the country. 

When Russia under Vladimir Putin annexed the Crimea peninsula in 2014, there was a near-universal outpouring of criticism and demands that the territory be returned.

Now, Israel’s designs to annex large swaths of the West Bank have threatened to put an end to ongoing peacebuilding efforts between Israel and the Arab world. In response, Israel has been met with condemnation from around the world, most prominently from within the Middle East.

A different approach

Ambassador Otaiba’s op-ed posits that Israel’s next steps will decide the future for Israeli-Arab relations in the Middle East. He contends that whether or not Israel succumbs to ultranationalist pressure and continues with annexation plans will decide how the Arab world will proceed with peace efforts.

“In the UAE and across much of the Arab world, we would like to believe Israel is an opportunity, not an enemy. We face too many common dangers and see the great potential of warmer ties,” Otaiba wrote.

“Israel’s decision on annexation will be an unmistakable signal of whether it sees it the same way.”

Otaiba’s statement also appeals to the common enemies of both Israel and the Arab world. Climate change, terrorism, food security, and access to clean water, Otaiba contends, are shared interests between Israel and the Arab World, ones that must be addressed collectively rather than individually.

In particular, Otaiba argues that the UAE and Israel, as two of the most powerful and influential countries in the Middle East, have the combined ability to change the region for the better.

“As the two most advanced and diversified economies in the region, expanded business and financial ties could accelerate growth and stability across the Middle East,” Otaiba wrote.

“Our shared interests around climate change, water and food security, technology and advanced science could spur greater innovation and collaboration.”

Unlike previous attempts at voicing grievances with Israel’s agenda, Otaiba decided to speak not to the Palestinian people, but to the Israeli people. In Hebrew, Otaiba promotes the concept that Israel and the Arab world have the opportunity to work together, but that any annexation in the West Bank would shatter this opportunity.

Otaiba argues that the UAE, as well as other Arab nations, want to establish relations with Israel, but he also points out that the annexation plan would become an obstacle to this.

Although Otaiba has garnered much support through his writing, he has also attracted many critics, including several of the more militant factions vying for Palestinian liberation.

The militant mindset

Thus far, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad organization have been the most vocal critics of Otaiba’s approach. In particular, the groups accused Otaiba and the UAE of violating the Arab Peace Initiative and of conceding too much to Israel.

Some have also referenced Otaiba’s relationship with the Trump administration as an explanation for non-belligerence towards Israel. As ambassador, Otaiba has been a close ally to Jared Kusher, who drafted the Middle East Peace Plan that established US support for Israel’s intentions to annex territory in the West Bank.

Among other grievances, many critics feel as though Otaiba’s warnings were insufficient, especially due to Otaiba’s avoidance of hostile language against Israel.

However, this was ultimately the purpose of Otaiba’s letter. Rather than resort to condemnation, Otaiba wanted to convince the Israeli people that it is in their interests and in the interests of the Arab world to avoid annexation in the West Bank in order to preserve decades of peace talks and negotiation.

 

Read also: Israel’s Supreme Court Strikes Down Law to Legalize Settlements

Israel’s Supreme Court Strikes Down Law to Legalize Settlements

On Wednesday, June 10, the Israeli Supreme Court decided to block its 2007 Settlement Regulation Law, intended to legalize settlement houses built on privately-owned Palestinian land. By a vote of eight to one, the country’s highest court ended the measure that had been frozen since its introduction in 2017.

Blocked law

The measure would have legalized roughly 4,000 buildings constructed on land owned by Palesinians but was blocked because it “unequally infringes on the property rights of Palestinian residents while giving preference to the proprietary interests of Israeli settlers,” Chief Justice Esther Hayut stated.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud party called the ruling “unfortunate,” saying the law that was ruled unconstitutional was in fact “an important law for settlement activity and its future.”

But the ruling could become null and void within a month, Likud-aligned newspaper Israel Hayom revealed on June 10 in an article titled “Home stretch: Sovereignty to bring good tidings to homeowners in Judea and Samaria.”

Annexation plans proceeding

According to the newspaper, some 100,000 settlers will soon be able to “complete the transfer of ownership rights.” Settlers will be able to freely register their currently illegal properties at Israel’s Land Registration Office, if or when Israel breaks with international law and annexes parts of the West Bank in July.

On Sunday, June 7, Netanyahu met with settlers to discuss his annexation plans. He told settlers that the plans are going ahead as intended.

Settlers in the West Bank are pushing Netanyahu to produce an even broader annexation plan as they strenuously oppose the formation of a Palestinian state, even if that state would only consist of some disparate fragments of land surrounded by newly conquered Israeli territory.

Netanyahu reassured settlers by saying that even if such a state established itself diplomatically, through the “Trump peace plan,” he would not recognize or treat the independent state as such.

Green light

Meanwhile, the US and Israel are both avoiding responsibility for giving the “green light” for the move, which is blatantly illegal under international law and the Charter of the United Nations.

At his meeting with settlers on Monday, Netanyahu stated that he has not yet received the green light from the US, but statements from the US ambassador to Israel contradict the need for any such signal.

David Friedman, the US ambassador to Israel had earlier said: “We are not declaring sovereignty – the government of Israel has to declare sovereignty. And then we’re prepared to recognise it… So, you have to go first,” indicating that the international speculation over a “green light” appears to be nothing but a distraction from the planned invasion of Palestinian territory in the West Bank.

David Alhayani, head of the Settlement Council that represents settlers on occupied Palestinian land, stated that Trump is supporting annexation plans in order to help him win the November presidential elections in the United States. “The only thing they are concerned about regarding the plan is promoting their own interests ahead of the upcoming election,” Alhayani stressed.

In another green light to the Israeli annexation plans, Germany’s foreign minister has arrived in Jerusalem in order to “discourage” Israel. However, the diplomat has already indicated that his country’s “fierce opposition” does not mean he offers any threats or repercussions for Israel if they do decide to invade the West Bank.

Palestinian PM Calls for EU Sanctions on Israel

On September 10, 2019 a Middle Eastern national leader promised voters he would commit a crime against one of the pillars of international law and break with the Charter of the United Nations. Since that date, that national leader has won reelection and has provided even more details of how and when they intend to commit these crimes against the international community and the rules that bind us together.

The announcements have been met with a deafening silence, occasionally interspersed with ineffective diplomatic rhetoric and posturing by the powerless.

One month left

With one month left until the date Israel has indicated it will invade Palestinian territory and claim the land and its resources for its own, no one has lifted a finger to force Israel to abandon its plans. The silence must sound like music in the ears of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Israel’s head out state appears fully aware that as long as the United States backs him, he is free to commit crimes against international law.

It is in this strange paradigm that Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh is trying to find a way to stop the coming invasion. With all the UN’s rules and resolutions on his side, Shtayyeh’s government still stands powerless before the imminent annexation.

Palestinian statehood

In a desperate last plea for adherence to international law, Shtayyeh on June 9 made a statement to try to ensure “Israel does not get away with murder.” “We’re waiting and pushing for Israel not to annex, if Israel is going to annex after July 1st, we are going to go from the interim period of the Palestinian Authority into the manifestation of a state on the ground,” Shtayyeh stated.

If, or when, the state of Israel does choose to proceed with the annexation of vast swaths of the West Bank, Palestine will declare statehood on the basis of the borders established after the 1967 Six-Day War, Shtayyeh said. To prevent this, Shtayyeh is asking the international community to intervene and put genuine pressure on Israel to stop its plans.

The threat of EU sanctions and a possible preemptive recognition of Palestinian statehood would suffice, according to Shtayyeh.

Slow response

The question remains whether any nation will do so. Only the state of Jordan has so far offered a defensive alliance to Palestine, committing to war if an invasion occurs. The rest of the international community, including most Arab states, have simply mused over the “threat to the peace process,” as if any peace process could remain after a unilateral attack on Palestinian land.

“I think the British government and all European governments are really looking at this very seriously. The tone I have heard was very different, too,” Shtayyeh said of his conversations with European heads of state. How serious these governments will take it remains to be seen. Most countries as of yet appear reluctant to threaten sanctions, even over an obvious breach of a legislated world order.

The consequences for Palestine, and for the world, will likely unfold in June, when we will all be treated to the empty spectacle of “international outrage,” as politicians will too late decry Israeli violence and civilian casualties.

World Bank: Palestinian Economy Could Retract 11%

The World Bank released a statement Monday predicting Palestine’s economy will contract by at least 7.6% and up to 11% in 2020, depending on the speed of the country’s recovery post-COVID-19. It also forecasts that unemployment, which is already high, could hit 64% in Gaza, while the poverty rate could double.

World Bank Country Director for West Bank and Gaza Kanthan Shankar praised the strict lockdown that ended last week, and helped prevent a major virus outbreak in the occupied Palestinian territories. The World Bank official warned that structural problems such as an already low growth rate and regional tensions could slow the economic recovery. 

“With the COVID-19 pandemic in its third month, the crisis is affecting Palestinian lives and livelihoods. The Palestinian Authority has acted early and decisively to save lives,” Shankar said in a June 1 press release.

“However, several years of declining donor support and the limited economic instruments available have turned the ability of the government to protect livelihoods into a monumental task. Hence, external support will be critical to help grow the economy during this unprecedented period,” he warned. 

The World Bank is also predicting a dramatic increase in the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) government debt from $800 million in 2019 to over $1.5 billion in 2020 off the back of  substantial increases in public health and social security spending, and declining revenues and donor funds. 

Developing the digital economy is one way the World Bank suggests the West Bank and Gaza could accelerate their recovery from COVID-19 and overcome the movement restrictions on people and goods that hamper Palestine’s development. A major obstacle however, is the lack of infrastructure to build a digital future for Palestine with the West Bank still operating on 3G and Gaza 2G while much of the Middle East is rolling out 4G or 5G.  

“The digital economy can overcome geographic obstacles, foster economic growth and create better job opportunities for Palestinians. With its tech-savvy young population, the potential is huge. However, Palestinians should be able to access resources similar to those of their neighbors’, and they should be able to rapidly develop their digital infrastructure as well,” Shankar added.

The report will be considered by the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) on June 2. The AHLC is chaired by Norway, co-sponsored by the US and EU, and seeks to promote dialogue between donors, the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli government.

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