Emboldened by Impunity, Russia Abandons Protections for Syrian Hospitals

Throughout the course of the Syrian civil war, Vladimir Putin and the Russian government have avoided the Hague, despite evidence of Moscow’s culpability in the deaths of medical workers and destruction of hospitals.

As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia has been able to shield itself from accusations and act with a de facto impunity. Despite overwhelming evidence of Moscow’s involvement in a systematic bombing campaign against hospitals, Russia has thus far largely avoided the scrutiny of the international community.

Moscow’s ability to shield itself from criticism became most evident in April. That month, the UN launched an internal inquiry into a series of attacks in 2019 targeting healthcare facilities, a school, and a refuge for children in northwest Syria. Although the inquiry concluded that it was “highly probable” that the Assad regime and its allies were responsible, it fell short of actually condemning Damascus or Moscow for the attacks.

Transparent targeting

Emboldened by the consistent exoneration it has received from the international community, Russia has now pulled out of an international agreement designed to prevent hospitals and medical workers from being caught in the crossfire between the Syrian government and its opposition.

Under the deconfliction agreement, the UN shared the coordinates and locations of hospitals, medical facilities, and other humanitarian sites in Syria with other actors in the conflict in order to prevent the sites from sustaining damage in the crossfire between parties.

However, Syrian health care workers have criticized the agreement in the past, arguing that Russia had appropriated the list of sites as a list of targets. Meanwhile, Moscow has denied any responsibility for deliberately destroying hospitals, redirecting blame towards the opposition for harbouring terrorists.

For its part, the UN has emphasized that regardless as to whether Russia participates in the agreement or not, international laws against targeting civilians and medical facilities are still binding.

“If Russia thinks this will help them escape accountability for war crimes, they’re dead wrong,” said Louis Charbonneau, UN director for Human Rights Watch.

“We and other groups will continue to investigate and document the deliberate bombings of hospitals and other grave crimes in Syria.”

The Kremlin’s impunity

The targeting of hospitals, either deliberately or recklessly, is a war crime. However, since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, the country has seen more than 580 attacks on medical workers, more than 260 of which occurred after the Kremlin began to intervene. These attacks resulted in the death of more than 916 doctors, nurses, and medical personnel.

Russia’s intervention into the war in Syria in 2015 signaled the start of a drastic change to the conflict. With the backing of Russian fighter jets and armored vehicles, the Assad regime was put on the path to victory.

However, as Assad and his Russian allies began to grow bolder and advance on opposition forces, attacks on hospitals began to increase. In northern Syria, hospitals and other civilian infrastructure continue to be targets as the Syrian government struggles to capture remaining rebel-held pockets.

Hospital Bombing
Nabad al Hayat Surgical Hospital in Idlib was one of many hospitals destroyed in 2019 as part of the Russian bombing campaign in Syria.

Moscow has vehemently denied any responsibility for the destruction of hospitals across Syria, arguing that any hospitals destroyed were occupied by “terrorists.” Healthcare workers in the country have disputed the claim that hospitals are harbouring terrorists, instead arguing that the destruction of medical facilities is a systematic campaign against civilians.

“The argument by the Russians or the regime is always that hospitals are run by terrorists,” said a head nurse at a destroyed Syrian hospital, who asked to remain anonymous because he feared being targeted. “Is it really possible that all the people are terrorists?”

Meanwhile, attempts to bring allegations of Moscow’s involvement with the widespread destruction of medical infrastructure has routinely failed. Russia, and its close ally China, have both actively impeded the UN’s ability to investigate the war crimes of the Assad regime and of Russia’s troops in Syria. In particular, the two countries vetoed previous attempts to bring allegations of Russia’s destruction of hospitals to the International Criminal Court.

In the wake of the UN’s failure to provide justice for the victims of the widespread devastation, Syrian activists have been outspoken in their desire for a formal investigation by the international community.

“The attacks on health in Syria, as well as the indiscriminate bombing of civilian facilities, are definitely war crimes, and they should be prosecuted at the level of the International Criminal Court in The Hague,” said Susannah Sirkin, director of policy at Physicians for Human Rights, an advocacy group.

An emboldened Russia

Over the past two decades, the Kremlin has struggled to reclaim the mantle of “superpower,” expanding its influence to Syria, Libya, Ukraine, and others. Unfazed by international sanctions and condemnation, Moscow has become more ambitious in its desires for global influence.

The Kremlin’s decision to leave the agreement in Syria has now given Moscow plausible deniability for any further devastation they cause to the country’s medical infrastructure, as they will no longer have overt access to the UN’s list of hospitals and humanitarian sites.

Prior to leaving the agreement, the Kremlin could not deny knowing that their targets were hospitals. However, henceforth, Moscow will be able to dispute allegations that they were aware that a strike target was civilian in nature.

In its unilateral decision to abandon protections for medical infrastructure, Russia has signaled to the world that civilian casualties are less important than winning the war. Moreover, Moscow has now made it clear that it knows it can get away with potential war crimes so long as they maintain their influence in the UN.

MENA Region Faces Wave of Post-Lockdown Protests

Citizens of several countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have taken to the streets following the easing of COVID-19 measures. Citizens are demanding action from their governments after having adhered to painful lockdowns and curfews that brought severe economic hardship.

In Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, and Tunisia, large protests have emerged over the last week as citizens call upon government officials to ease their suffering. While COVID-19 fears begin to wane, a new focus on structural poverty and inefficient government is emerging across the region as protesters express their discontent.

Lebanon

The Lebanese military arrested dozens of protesters on Monday, June 15, for alleged acts of vandalism. Protesters expressed their frustration with skyrocketing inflation amid a spiraling currency crisis, while the indebted nation struggles to balance its debt obligations with popular demands for a significant increase in living conditions.

After nearly two months of empty streets, economic deprivation, and fear of the coronavirus, the Lebanese people have returned to the streets to protest the lack of solutions offered by the government of Hassan Diab. Banks and shops were attacked as Lebanese people grow more desperate, even as new sanctions on neighboring country Syria are likely to further damage Lebanon’s economy.

Iraq

Newly inaugurated prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi’s “honeymoon phase” in government has ended quickly as increasing austerity measures are sparking furious protests. Monthly pensions were hit by a drop in oil-revenue that is forcing the government to take unpopular measures. Nearly one million Iraqis depend on their pension each month and this month the $920 pension was more than $100 short, according to France24.

The Iraqi government has introduced several ambitious reform plans, but a dramatic fall in government revenue as a result of cratered oil prices and production cuts has meant introducing painful cuts to public sector salaries and pensions. Public sector employment has served as a method to appease Iraqis since the 2003 US invasion, but falling state oil revenues have now undermined this strategy.

Syria

Syria has seen few large protests since the 2011 pro-democracy protests that started a civil war. But protests again emerged over the rise in prices of basic necessities, a doubling in food prices and continued corruption in government. The city of Druze saw four days of intense protests as the Syrian Pound continues to fall dramatically in value.

The protesters are unlikely to see a swift resolution to their concerns as the “Caesar Act,” a new round of US sanctions targeting Syria, is set to heavily impact the last remaining economic activity that has sustained the country’s flailing economy. With an apparent consolidation of power ongoing in Damascus that has gone public, Bashar al-Assad’s regime is facing renewed pressure from all sides.

Tunisia

Protests have emerged in at least seven Tunisian cities, Reuters reported on Thursday, June 18. Unemployed and economically deprived people across the country protested what they considered government inaction in the face of a continued economic crisis. University graduates shouted “we need jobs” in Gafsa and hundreds protested in Hajeb el Ayoun and Sidi Bouzid.

The Tunisian tourism sector has suffered an unprecedented crisis after COVID-19 measures closed borders and shut the industry that provides 10% of state revenue. After a decade of high inflation and unemployment, Tunisians now call for an increased focus on jobs by protesting and even halting the country’s phosphate production through sit-ins.

A new era

The current protests across the MENA-region are likely only the beginning of popular unrest in the region, with global institutes like the IMF predicting that local economies will suffer from post-lockdown economic woes for some time to come. Protests against corruption and ineffective government appear to be supported by data, and the World Bank has called for greater transparency from MENA-governments.

As global oil prices continue to be volatile, supported by painful production cuts, revenue will likely remain impacted in many oil-dependent MENA-countries. With structural economic issues in many countries, unemployment and poverty are likely to worsen in the months ahead, as the region braces itself for a new era of popular discontent.

Syrian Palace Intrigue Over Stolen Fortune Continues to Devolve

The dirty laundry of Syria’s governing Assad family is airing publicly as the family attempts to gain control over an opaque fortune held by one side of the family. For decades the Makhloufs, the family of Bashar al-Assad’s mother, used their network of international businesses and government connections to channel a slice of Syria’s oil revenue into foreign bank accounts.

The bargain benefited the Makhlouf family while providing the Assads with financial firepower outside general taxation. But the relationship between the two branches of the same family started to fracture during the Syrian civil war, which required Russian military assistance to regain control over the population at a price.

Post-war tensions

If the conflict’s aftermath, Russia and Bashar al-Assad’s wife Asma have become increasingly influential in palace intrigue that would make for an interesting television drama. Russia benefits from a concentration of power around the Assads, who owe Russia for their intervention. Asma al-Assad competes with the Makhloufs for influence over the Alawites, an important political bloc that is the bedrock of Assad’s power.

Rami Makhlouf, the cousin of Bashar al-Assad, has become the focal point in the family rift. He followed in his father, Mohammed Makhlouf’s footsteps and used his family’s connections to accumulate tremendous wealth while backing the Assads with financial support and influence over the Alawites.

The mutually beneficial relationship between Rami Makhlouf’s business empire and al-Assad’s grip on power has now fractured to the point where both sides are making public moves. The conflict is revealing much about a structural kleptocracy where state and business overlap and intertwine.

Stand-off

The latest chapter in the palace drama has come in the way of a travel ban for Rami Makhlouf and an order for the Syrian stock market to ban trading in Makhlouf’s telecom business. In response, Rami Makhlouf “donated” his assets to a charity, one that he founded and controls.

Rami Makhlouf’s function as a “money man” for the Assad family appears to have come to an end, but the trouble with opaque hidden fortunes is that they are difficult to retrieve. Much of the money that the Assads channeled into foreign banks was routed by the Makhlouf family and it appears they now are the only ones that can provide access to the vast treasure of stolen Syrian wealth.

With the two family branches at a stand-off, more explosive developments and revelations will surely soon become public.